Who are the followers of the mass system today? (The Second Jamahiriya)
Like the rest of Libyans, the supporters and adherents of the former regime are still searching for a way to unite their scattered ranks. The reader might be surprised by the phrase "unite their scattered ranks," as the prevailing image in Libya is that proponents of the Jamahiriya ideology are of one mind and heart. However, this is not entirely accurate according to many observers, as became evident in the recent meeting held in Geneva for supporters of the former regime, organized by the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue, to bridge differences in perspectives. The final statement of this meeting denounced the foreign interference in Libya by the "infidel and depraved Switzerland!"
This meeting sparked significant debate within the "Green House," as many voices emerged to deny the representation of the former regime’s supporters by those who attended the meeting. This created a heated discussion and prompted some figures to comment on and reject this meeting, in one way or another. Among these parties is the political faction representing Saif al-Islam Gaddafi, who appears to view this meeting as a threat to his attempts to establish leadership within this movement. He seems to be trying to prevent the emergence of any other entity where Gaddafi loyalists could unite outside of his leadership, which could potentially threaten the comprehensiveness of his leadership over the new-old Green movement.
On the other hand, there is an effort by Colonel Gaddafi’s second son, Al-Saadi Gaddafi, currently residing in Turkey, where he is attempting to present himself to Libyans in a manner different from his brother. Since his release, Al-Saadi has opened extensive channels of communication with those affiliated with the February revolution, and we have received information indicating that some figures within his political administration are also aligned with February.
Al-Saadi Muammar is attempting to present a discourse that seeks to completely move beyond the past. In other words, he does not rely on his father's legacy and does not fully adopt his positions and trajectory. He acknowledges all the mistakes and is trying to present himself to all Libyans without any indication of seeking revenge against those who ended his father’s rule. Many observers believe that the space in which Al-Saadi operates is more likely to be accepted than the approach presented by his brother Saif al-Islam. This could make him a strong competitor to his brother in the race for leadership of what is known as the "mirage of the Green movement."
There are other figures who believe they should inherit the leadership of this movement, some of whom do not consider Saif al-Islam competent to lead them, as they hold him responsible for the February uprising, arguing that he facilitated it by opening the prisons for many of the individuals who later led the revolution. Therefore, they blame him for everything that happened in 2011, though they do not express this clearly. At the same time, they do not explicitly support Saif al-Islam. Among these figures are Ahmed Gaddaf al-Dam, Abdullah Mansour, Ali Kilani, Mustafa al-Zaidi, and others.
Simultaneously, a significant question arises: "Who are the followers of the former regime?"
Many observers believe that the followers of the former regime are all those who supported Muammar Gaddafi, whether as an individual or his ideology (assuming he had one!), and did not participate in or support the February uprising. Others believe that the followers of the former regime include the aforementioned, as well as those who regret what happened in February and now call for the return of Saif al-Islam to power, believing that his return would bring stability, for example, to Zawiya.
There is a third, more elite group whose members see themselves as the true guardians of the temple and believe that only they, and no one else, are the genuine supporters of the former regime and the decision-makers concerning the future of this movement. These are the individuals who served in the first and second ranks of the Colonel’s state, including all military personnel, whether officers or soldiers, as well as all those who were exiled from Libya due to their affiliation with the Colonel's ideology. These individuals, and no one else, are the true followers of the former regime.
As of the writing of these words, there is no precise definition of the followers of the former regime. However, in general, they are presenting themselves to Libyans with a single narrative: the failure of those who managed Libya in the years following the February uprising. So far, most of the discourse from this faction is divided into two main parts: the first is a tone of revenge and disdain for everything associated with February and its aftermath, and the second is a call to return to the way things were. To date, we have not heard any discourse from this faction that speaks about the future, as it seems that time for the followers and leaders of this faction has stopped in 2011.
All totalitarian regimes based on the ideology of a single individual are inevitably doomed to collapse, and their downfall leads to great disasters. This is the first historical truth. The second historical truth is that the clock of events cannot be turned back. The third historical truth is that each era has its own politics and ideology, and those who fail to understand the tools of their era and work within them will achieve nothing but failure. These are facts confirmed by history and human behavior. Those who act on them will offer something that can be built upon, while those who refuse to do so will only offer illusions. And no one will forgive them for merely raising a green banner, or any other co